Hm Remover In Silver Pokemon

"A MAN AND A DOG" by Luis Fayad AND THE DANGERS OF FICTION.

When Jorge Luis Borges was asked what advice he would give the young writer, he recommended among other things "... try not to write anything I can not honestly imagine. Do not write about the facts just because you seem surprising, but it does on those in which your imagination can think. " These words could be said that besides being a good board, inadvertently contain a kind of universal law of literature.

Proof of this are the countless cases in our imagination, seduced by the world woven into a literary text, not predict, is barred by a black hole that eats away at the foundations of fiction, or if you prefer, for a couple of pieces that make shake the contorted universe revealing its artificiality, to the point of crumbling faith in words.

Yes, sometimes what we looked like a good story with vivid characters and spaces palpable, can become unexpectedly, and as a result of wrong doing of a pen, in a universe far-fetched, graying visible artifacts prevent us, as Borges says, honestly imagine, play God while reading, because it's true, when they break the rules, the game makes us bitter and decided to stop, our imagination resists the text.

However, "A man and a dog" written by Luis Fayad Bogota belonging to the book A mirror later published in 1995 and included in the collection of short stories by Luz Mary Giraldo named New Colombian story 1975 - 1995, seems to me necessary to think about the subject. This story tells us the story of Leonard, a man who by a twist of fate one day, after leaving his office while waiting for the bus, he meets the unwanted company of a stray dog \u200b\u200b"small, lean, yellow "whose hair" has been dropped almost entirely, and his body is covered with sores. " A dog that will haunt your present insurmountable drag this character up to despair.

The story narrated in third person and present tense, the reader effectively manages to convey the anguish of Leoncio dog from harassment from the start. While the frenetic city that environmental narrative, with its crowds of people, busy streets and crowded buses, is the perfect complement to each situation:

"Like all people, walks in a rush in an endless and often futile attempt to get seated. Despite to be thinking only of this, warns his hand, the presence of a dog. But do not take into account and continues making great strides, accelerating all the time. Later the dog feels and he is horrified with the raincoat. The dog stops bowing his head in an act of submission. Leoncio has not slackened pace and does not even remember the dog, when it comes to fate. Is placed in the row and then feel that something touches the pants. The dog looks as if scrutinizing. "

In this way, the story unfolds through a succession of increasingly complex situations to Leoncio, turning slowly to stray into a monster. The problem comes when such situations begin to quarrel with the naturalness of the events that had characterized the story until a certain time, ie when it collides with the same parameters of the fictional world that we had imposed on the story, with the likelihood of history had convinced our imagination that was possible, as is possible by secret artifice Macondo in One Hundred Years of Solitude, men dreamed up by men in "The Circular Ruins" Borges, the correction in "Wild Honey" by Horacio Quiroga and flying carpets in The Thousand and One Nights.

is the case for the prosecution of the dog when Leonard goes on the bus. True, the congested streets make the bus go slow and then guarantees the possibility of the dog running to the beat of the bus, however, is an event so full of obvious artifice which removes impact and credibility to the story. Like that episode where the dog is suddenly endowed with extraordinary agility that allows you, from entering the apartment of Leoncio prevented before it closes the door, to dodge the blows of a broom that he wants out of the house

"to the apartment is still without neglecting the dog a moment, what can not be explained Leonard, manages to sneak in before closing the door. Leoncio reopen it and try to chase it away with his raincoat. At that time a lady down another floor and asks what happens, and he closes without answering. He turns to address the dog again. It is the height, lying on the carpet watching him confidently. Leoncio angrily throws the newspaper, the folder and the overcoat on a chair, goes to the kitchen, get a broom and ready before the dog. This continues with careless eyes and avoids the blows with incredible mastery. "

And then everyone will wonder what if it is likely that someone levitate thanks to chocolate, why not going to be a dog successfully achieved following a bus, enter an apartment owner before your able to close the door, dodging all sorts of bumps and even reluctant to leave the place in exchange for a good piece of meat? The answer is simple, is not credible for the simple fact exceed the limits embodied in the same text from the beginning, to counter that with impeccable realism tells us such extraordinary events in much of the text. Because

missing elements that help this stray dog \u200b\u200band sick to perform the role entrusted to it by its creator without arousing suspicion of the naturalness of their actions, as in the following excerpt: "No matter, you can and kick out like that, but the attempt, the dog has strayed and Leoncio's foot hits the wall "

In sum," A man and a dog " Luis Fayad is one of those stories that allows us to reflect on what Borges said in that interview, on those hazards that are run when tested fiction, because despite being a story worth reading for its virtues and its scriptural plot, leaving the bitter sense of illusion, breaking of fiction, where everything was built with much effort and fades leak unexplained, leaving us puzzled wondering why we can not honestly imagine that event, why we unknowingly slipping into the abyss of fiction where there is no longer worth imaginative light. Damian

Guayara

Details Book:
Fayad, Luis. "A man and a dog." In: New story in Colombia 1975-1995. Fondo de Cultura Economica: Mexico, 1997. P. 142-146

Link: http://poesiaculinaria.blogspot.com/2008/04/un-hombre-y-un-perro-de-luis-fayad.html

Milena Velba And Nadine Jansen Forum

From Utopia to migration: Four Moments of Latin Americanism in Mexico

This text was published some years ago in Peru Endeavors magazine. I reproduce it here because the magazine has had relatively little traffic.

While certainly not the master, nothing happens. When the slave has smiled duel begins the story.

Alfonso Reyes. "Smile" [i]

think America is a form of political vocation. If we review the founding ideas of the topic, from the texts of Bolivar, passing by the Ateneo de la Juventud, to the work of Roberto Fernández Retamar, we can see that the subject emerges with great eloquence precisely in the most representative historical junctures of our hard and unfinished process of emancipation. The vocation anticolonial thought as the Independence, the Mexican Revolution and the Cuban Revolution has led to a search at the junction of the countries of our continent, its history and contradictory processes of modernization, a common and united front against the onslaught of modernity / postmodernity West. Within this paradigm, this essay explores how four Mexican thinkers (Alfonso Reyes, Leopoldo Zea, Octavio Paz and Carlos Monsivais) have intersected, sometimes paradoxically, in the establishment of a Latin American thought emancipatory project common currency and liberation that has occupied the agenda of our nation from the moment of its origin.

A founding moment of American thought truly emancipatory vocation can be found in the work of Alfonso Reyes. Although the temptation to place the foundation in The cosmic race seems hard to resist the work of Reyes in my opinion offers a more complex repertoire of ideas aimed at the creation of a true American thought. Reyes has moments in which enters the race as a point of constitution of the nation and the continent [ii] , but his work eventually tilting place in this category as a number of continental unity. In other words, if The cosmic race conditions the continental union a utopian future of racial unity, the thought of Reyes testifies to the need for a definition intellectual continent here and now, where "cultural citizenship" does not emerge in a mythical time, but as a product of a claim that already at that time was considered late [iii] .

Reyes thought first articulated a philosophy of radical emancipatory moments. In its assessment of The suicide , published by Reyes in 1917, Escalante Evodio defines Monterrey criticism: "A Faustian idea of \u200b\u200ba radical dissent assumed itself as subverter of schedule and that merges with the very birth of spirit " [iv] . In other words, Reyes, who had lived in the years immediately preceding the death of his father, the exile and the start of the war in Europe, sees a critical philosophy of radical questioning of established power relations and struggle for a story whose motor is the inconsistency. This can be seen in the interpretation that Reyes makes the Hegelian dialectic of master and slave in "The Smile", a text that is part of The suicide. This paper presents a break with the idea of \u200b\u200ban identity farm with the last fashionable idea because of the prehispanic and indigenism related to the Revolution: "What in man of current, present and even past, nothing is worth next to what is in it a promise of future " [v] . Precisely because the state offers its "seal of humanity" is "protest", Reyes is already thinking about this text early on that the original constitution of identities, preset or predefined radical break with the vocation of the human. Therefore, in the text that Reyes is closer to an original race speech, vision Anahuac, it introduces doubt about the validity of founding a culture on the native: "I am not of those who dream in perpetuating absurd tradition Indian, or even too much trust in perpetuity the English " [vi] . And though Reyes retained throughout his work a sense of utopia ("Ultima Thule"), the promise of utopia that is always tied to a political urgency. Here we find the promising future of continental superiority through the race, to Vasconcelos. Rather, the utopia is always a representation of a project consisting of resistance and critique of modernity. Therefore, in the section entitled Last Tule "The omen of America," Reyes said "Without doubt the first step toward America is a meditation on halting the march inspired and that the man was approaching full figuration of the planet " [vii] . The theme of 'Harbinger of America "is precisely the conception of the continent in the Western imagination as a sort of" dangerous supplement ", which eventually will become the space of utopia of modernity, on the outside of a Europe that seeks to escape itself. Therefore, the formation of an independent American thought and the acquisition of universal citizenship is instrumental for the continent to fulfill the historical role of America: "Today, the continent is left covered in a hope, and offers to Europe as a reservoir of humanity" [viii] . The politics of utopia is, in the words of Rafael Gutierrez Girardot, "a project in Latin America permanently outlining its novelty within uniformity, if it comes, or unit of the world" [ix] .

The central contribution of Alfonso Reyes to the possibility of a Latin American thought is what is in the concept of utopia. For Reyes, a thought that truly breaks relations with colonialism must be based on direct cultural intervention, without mediation, in Western culture. When Reyes concluded his Notes on American intelligence "with the dictum " And now I say to the court of international thinkers who listens to me: we recognize the universal right of citizenship that we've already " [x] , Epiphany marks the start of a new conception of Latin American thought. Reyes introduced the originality in thinking about the continent lies precisely in the joint priority of their own culture that differ by more than a rooting Pasat, involved the same footing in the Western debate [xi] . Latin American thought, Reyes teaches us, should not be a blind acceptance of the marginality imposed by colonialism, but to assume that radical nature of European modernity that gave us their grief and use it to build a political mission that is constantly built from emancipation.

cultural Every project must have a way to link to the story critically. Within the Mexican Americanism, is the extensive work of Leopoldo Zea's engaged in this project. Francisco Lizcano has defined the work of Zea as a "philosophy of history" whose "primary concern is to show the relationships that keep people together on a global level and indicate the historical significance of such relations" [xii] . From this definition, we can see that the themes of Leopoldo Zea cover precisely the logic that has articulated a continent with transatlantic processes of colonialism: the dichotomy civilization / barbarism, the place America occupies in the European imagination, the constitution of one's own thought in resisting what he called "marginalization and barbarism" etc. On more than one sense, the work of Leopoldo Zea is the natural continuation of the draft Alfonso Reyes. If Alfonso Reyes claimed the continent's cultural citizenship and intellectual independence of American thought, Zea from there to intervene against a history conceived as the figuration of the colonial project. In other words, if Zea involved with copious intellectual production (dozens of books) in the field of philosophy of history, is due to an attempt to enter what Reyes called "the banquet of civilization", not only to reclaim America's position in the world, but reconstruct the historical process that has been monopolized by colonialism, "The Eurocentric monologue should be replaced by dialogue between those who have expanded and have undergone expansion. The philosophical interpretation of the West, now seen from the point of view of philosophical-historical interpretation of a non-Western world " [xiii] . If Alfonso Reyes sought the establishment of one's own thought to represent America as a "reservoir of humanity" in Europe, Leopoldo Zea goes a step further by conceiving the philosophy of American history as the emergence of a voice silenced by a Eurocentric discourse which monopoly is directly related the coloniality of power [xiv] . In these terms, Luis Villoro thinking Zea defined as "a theoretical claim of the specific circumstances of our countries," [xv]

Leopoldo Zea The first mode has a very similar critical that of his generation. Zea was part of the "Hyperion group, a group of philosophers, disciples of Joseph Gaos almost all other English exiles, seeking a theorization of national identity from the adaptation of new European philosophy incorporated into the Mexican thought by their teachers [xvi] . In a book originally published in 1952, as consciousness America, we can find a key concern of the philosophy of Zea: the idea of \u200b\u200bAmerica as "utopian creation of Europe" [xvii] . In fact, this idea was in vogue in towards the generation of Zea and manifested in various ways in texts such as The Invention of America of Edmundo O'Gorman or Highlights of indigenous people in Mexico Luis Villoro. The strength of this argument in a sense pointed to a problem that the Reyes generation did not articulate at all: if we can claim the right to participate as equals in the discourse of the West, our status as historical existence is inescapably defined by the terms imposed by the conception of the world established by the coloniality of power. Simply accept the existence of America as its own means taking what is ultimately a construction of the colonizer. Before taking the step of ourselves as Americans, we must undertake the task of creating our own definition. Therefore, the studies undertaken by Zea and his contemporaries on how America as a utopia emerge in European discourse is part of epistemological one of the largest projects in the field of postcolonial. In fact, the task of questioning the epistemic and discursive strategies of colonial power advocate the paradigm shift that will represent publication of Edward W. Orientalism Said more than two decades later: the distortion of the historical buildings of coloniality and criticism focused on these discourses of "otherness." For Zea, O'Gorman and Villoro this questioning is the first step for the liberation of continental thought. Zea completion of the first approaches from a different path to the project of Alfonso Reyes: "America, by their particular position, can bring to the new culture of their experiences, " [xviii]

The main contribution of Zea, then, can be summarized according to Enrique Dussel, a philosophy the story is "a historical hermeneutics, interpretation and self-awareness of one's own story" [xix] . If Reyes discover the basis for a fully independent American thought, Zea from it articulates a radical questioning of the very foundations of the historical identity of the continent and a political project that breaks fully with the relations of colonialism: "It must be reconciled a world that, over history, has been divided between center and periphery" [xx] . The mantra of cultural citizenship is taken to its logical conclusion: the overthrow of global divisions inherited from the colonial process.

All

radical school of thought has always moments of institutionalization, the points at which the questions posed extreme ideas seem suspended in the need to build certainty. In the case of Mexican Americanism, the most important moment this process is the work of Octavio Paz. In other words, the major contribution to the debate Paz Mexico is Latin American in the domestication of the most radical of Mexican thought. This statement, in principle, has no derogatory intent. Despite the critical need to read any time of institutionalization and ideological theory, this reading is only effective if it is assumed that process as a constituent part of intellectual development in a region. If something is symptomatic of the thought of peace is precisely the step in a project of Latin American thought "to become" a critical work already established. This step in Latin America is manifested most clearly at about mid-twentieth century [xxi] implies a major movement of radical thinking towards more conciliatory and more suspicious of the extremes. In this sense, Ilan Stavans notes that the peace movement from left to center and even conservative positions is a "map of the serpentine path of the intelligentsia twentieth century Latin American " [xxii]

Following the lines I have outlined so far, I think one of the points can be illustrated my statements Peace is the work done with the concept of utopia. As we saw earlier, Reyes and Zea the dream was the mark of the American position regarding the world and the origin of the critical work is to articulate a historical mission or philosophy of history. Peace has a very different reading of the matter: "A literature always arises against a historical reality, and often against that reality. Its uniqueness is that reality against which it stands is a utopia. Our literature is the response of real reality Americans to American utopian reality " [xxiii] . While Paz Reyes and Zea matches in the basic approach of the utopian image of America, its diagnosis is diametrically different. Reyes raised radicalize assume this position and to acquire the status of citizens of the culture. In Zea, philosophy of history is a hermeneutic project of this notion. Peace, however, proposes a confrontation from the literature by introducing a concept where the discussion seems impossible, "reality." In this scheme of thought, which hampers the critical modernity in Latin America, the "singularity" is just masking the reality. And as "reality" is a notion incontrovertible the role of literature in this postulate is always realistic: the expression of reality as a dimension critical of meta-historical discourse [xxiv] of modernity. To put it another way, the State Peace interprets the "Philanthropic Ogre" is the protagonist of the twentieth century role, as we know, led to the establishment of totalitarian [xxv] . Thus the literature and, above all, poetry is the speech that can put the currency in question, ie, production that allows space for freedom against the homogenization of subjects implicit in the ideologies of state [xxvi] .

libertarian This notion is apparently yet to breaking point in the work of Peace on the notion of myth. Paz sees modernity as a "tradition of rupture", "what distinguishes our modern reality of other times is not the celebration of the new and surprising, although that count, but being a break: critics of the immediate past break in continuity " [xxvii] . However, very paradoxical, "the old millennia can also access modernity: simply presented as a denial of tradition and we propose another " [xxviii] . This assertion, which most likely extrapolates Peace avant-garde primitivism leads him to take an important step: the idea that "human nature is an illusion: the invariant that produces the changes and diversity of cultures, histories, religions , arts " [xxix] . Therefore, it is not at all contradictory to conceive of a tradition of rupture, register it and then use the myth as a foundation for identity: hence the same thinker who relies on literature as a discourse of emancipation from the totalising narratives of the state is the one who writes poems ("Sunstone") and testing ( The Labyrinth of Solitude ) defining archetypal identities: the deep emptying of the historical sign that comes from questioning the meta-history can only be filled in the outline of Peace, with the use of myth. Therefore, not surprisingly, Paz concludes his speech accepting the Nobel Prize with a notion of modern elite which, paradoxically, "I returned home and discovered that modernity is not outside but within us. Is today and the antiquity old, is tomorrow and is the beginning of the world, has a thousand years and has just arrived. [...] Simultaneous time and presence: modernity breaks with the immediate past only to rescue the ancient past and make a figurine of the fertility of the Neolithic in our contemporary " [xxx] . It is this notion that, in the words of Rubén Medina, "It's not about appealing to a golden age in the past and ultimate meaning [...] but that utopia move this to the man reconciled with its otherness [...] and man of the West with their other Eastern " [xxxi] . In these statements we find that the diagnosis of Peace on the American currency is the same while the opposite of King and Zea. Peace recognizes the otherness of American and "modern eccentric" the continent. However, its resolution is not in the field of history but of being. If the Kings of "Smile" proposed the suspension of the past and identities to build a utopia, Paz proposes the suspension of the utopia implied by historical discourses of modernity to reconcile a constancy of human nature as an allegory in poetics of the millennium update. Peace then, is the other side of Americanism: if the tradition that runs from Alfonso Reyes routed the Zapatista history looking towards final emancipation, Peace prefer a speech presentist defense of suspending the historical struggle for liberal notions of democracy and open society . The Peace Project, unlike Zea, can never be a hermeneutics, a duel of interpretations, it is necessary to cancel, even allegorical, the contradictions of history in search of a common humanity.

A similar conclusion, but more critical tone, Jorge Aguilar Mora arrives in his controversial and brilliant text The divine couple. History and myth in Octavio Paz [xxxii] . In fact, Aguilar Mora censors twist to the myth as a cancellation of the historical dialectic and notes that "one of the ultimate ends of the ideological system of Peace is to take your order history, rip off their avatars", which leads to the formation a "paradigm of the eternal present" [xxxiii] . In other words, the host of Octavio Paz Aguilar Mora's version is always metaphorical reconciliation ultimately cancels any possibility of emancipation and clearing the history, undermines the social space of any claim. Therefore, Mora Aguilar states that "Any concept of" tradition of rupture "is based on believing that the denial of institutional power is a statement unrecoverable because it comes from the ruled and rulers exercised over (" otherness ")" [xxxiv] , which is problematic precisely because the relationship between ruler and ruled, as Hegel teaches us, both have a role in the dialectical negation of the instance of implicit here ruled that Reyes always cancels has in mind: the logic of the slave and the movement of history [xxxv] . Thus, in his pungent criticism of The Labyrinth of Solitude , Aguilar Mora statement: "Peace prefer to turn your book in a gesture be handed to the historical relativity. The nature of the dissident passion that animates it looks like its future, has ever seen: a metaphor " [xxxvi] . And in this statement is precisely the characteristics of the process of institutionalization: the origin of organic thought to power in an inescapable paradox is articulated as a critical conscience always unable to disarm.

Zea If Reyes and speak of a Latin American thought and Peace to be done one already built, the work of Carlos Monsivais attests to the exhaustion of Latin Americanist paradigm. This is not to say there is a fertile discussion today about the nature of the continent: Santiago Castro Gómez, Jesús Martín-Barbero, Néstor García Canclini and Enrique Dussel are just four examples of a huge space for thought. Rather, I think Monsivais, by intellectuals such as Beatriz Sarlo Richard Kelly in Argentina or in Chile, represents the emergence of an intelligentsia whose political and cultural places more specific processes, regional or national, and whose work results in fragmentation of continental thought. In fact, incorporate a discussion Monsivais Americanism five years ago would have been little support, since its first intervention in the debate actually occurs in continental family Aires [xxxvii] . Before this, the center's work Monsivais were political, social and cultural rights in Mexico and this work in more than one sense, this is a continuation, sometimes even an extrapolation of his thesis about the country continental level. Aires family, therefore, seems to attest to both a depletion of the ability to think on a continental scale and the emergence of new issues in the region's historical agenda.

Aires family opens with a description of a process. To Monsivais, "in the first half of the twentieth century, to speak of culture in Latin America is to affirm the corpus of Western civilization over the national and Latin American contributions." Instead, "In the second half of the twentieth century modernity is everything and greatly appreciates the proximity to the cultural time of the metropolis, breaking the circle delay indicated by the words of Alfonso Reyes: "We arrived late at the banquet of Western civilization" [xxxviii] . This conception of the modern ways of living from the intellectual field itself poses a radical transformation in thinking about the region. Reyes, Zea and Peace off the fact a marginal, eccentric, the continent with respect to European modernity. In contrast to modernity Monsiváis is already a fact in some regions of the continent, not a modern intellectuals imagined, to peace, but an everyday experience brought by the emergence of cities, the consolidation of national educational processes and the enormous changes in the mind brought by the media. Latin America, in the work of Monsivais, is already the site of modernity and its analysis, especially in rituals of chaos [xxxix] , is located in a new Latin American space traversed by deep contradictions a world where entertainment and consumption define everyday experiences.

The world described in Aires Monsivais family had been gradually breaking cultural criticism. Monsivais himself was a history of this since his first books, Days to keep and, above all, love lost , with a rather critical of the phenomena of the show, but allowed him to envision the emergence of a new imagery that traditional analysis left out. In this sense, Monsivais owes much to Guy Debord and his book Society of the Spectacle [xl] , political articulation of a phenomenon that was simply ignored by critics on the left. The consolidation of media research in the area can prosper more than a decade later, with two foundational books: From media to mediations Jesus Martin Barbero [xli] and especially Hybrid Cultures of Néstor García Canclini [xlii] . The latter is crucial not only because its enormous success consecrated this new vision of the continent, but because his enthusiastic reception represents a fundamental transition in the agenda of Latin Americanism: it is no longer discuss ways in which Latin America than their remote to enter to modernity, it is paradoxical articulation understand the new globalization process is already happening. Sleep American intellectual as a "reservoir of humanity", the approach to a philosophy of history from the sidelines and even the establishment of this perpetual start to become outdated in a media world where traditional intellectuals vanishes into thin air.

main contribution family Aires is in the notion of cultural migration. " To Monsivais, the transformation of the most important identity lies not only in the physical movement would involve the traditional notion of migration, but in the profound changes that come with the imaginary media. In other words, the defining characteristic of "cultural migration" is not moving (although some of them if involved), but the cultural transformation, placing the same semantic field in the rural-urban migration, the movement from film to television and the entry of women into the public sphere [xliii] . And in a sense, the book is also a migration: the movement of the Americanism of the philosophy of history to the study of identity, aspiration to the modern to the postmodern experience irrevocable, imagination to the realities of the continent specific of nations. What the concept of "cultural migration" brand, perhaps, is the emergence of a poslatinoamericanismo, where the intellectual agenda around the continent leads to a cultural analysis that is not ordered from any master narrative, whether political, ideological or even epistemological . The "cultural migration", rather they are deepest processes undermining the very foundations of the establishment of Latin American project born in the nineteenth century. This, of course, is not a negative assessment of the processes themselves, in a sense, some of these migration processes have involved important to democracy in our societies. However, the fact that migration will not respond to a major project of emancipation continental evidence a deep impasse in the possibilities of articulating a full policy for our continent. If anything is clear in Aires family, not denying at all the political commitment Monsivais has shown throughout his career, is the presence of a discourse that takes on more political inefficiency. In this book, the possibility of a future project is dead and the cultural critic is only a witness of "chaos." With all their input, the movement that makes his work Monsivais in Mexico Latin Americanist analysis shows loss fully a joint policy on the continent, the inability to truly radical thinking America's position in the contemporary world.

The most urgent task of Americanism, Mexican and continental, is to avoid the triumph of this world view. The lesson of Kings and Zea was always the need to devise some kind of emancipation and the equation always leave deep historical contradictions and power through the history of our continent. The fact that the neoliberal conception of cultures, that poses as commodified bodies entering and leaving modernity [xliv] it appears the only viable articulation of the continent must be resisted. The coexistence of a McDonald's and craft a position on the same street should not mean the erasure of the deep contradictions and conflicts that run through the currency that allows such simultaneity. Could it be that, despite what he thought peace was the market and poetry who took us to the modern times when the millennia, updated Coatlicue printed on T-shirts sold in Teotihuacan, is once again a place where identity ? Aires family, despite its limitations resists the celebratory gesture in the midst of their ironies dares to mention the profound imagery of our continent and to expose the absurdities of the show held by neoliberalism. The mission of a new Americanism is perhaps reinvent themselves to understand these phenomena in a truly political, somehow recover the critical force of Kings and Zea, now sounds anachronistic. The continent urgently needs to reclaim their dreams of emancipation.

---

[i] Works III. The oblique plane. The hunter. The bomber. Those days. Portraits real and imagined. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1996. 242.

[ii] See Joshua Lund. "Reyes, race and nation" in Alfonso Reyes and Latin American studies (eds. Adela Pineda Franco and Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado. Pittsburgh: International Institute of Latin American literature, 2004).

[iii] In fact, one could even say Reyes misses the race for other categories of defining identity. Pedro Angel Palou, for example, proposes that "Reyes reads modernity as universal. Nationality, belief, ethnicity is (he says the race), but the language "( critical city. Medellín: Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana, 1997).

[iv] Evodio Escalante. Metaphors of criticism. Mexico: Joaquin Mortiz, 1998. 44.

[v] Works III. 240.

[vi] Works II. Vision de Anahuac. The eve of Spain. Calendar. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1997. 34.

[vii] Complete Works XI. Last Tule. Attempts and guidance. There is no such place. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1997. 11.

[viii] Works XI. 60.

[ix] Prologue Last Tule and Other Essays by Alfonso Reyes . Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1991. XXXVI.

[x] Complete Works XI. 90.

[xi] In my article "The reincarnation of the Centaur: The boundary after the cultural studies (in Alfonso Reyes and Latin American studies ) discuss this concept from the concept of literature and experience.

[xii] Leopoldo Zea. A philosophy of history . Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica / Institute of Latin American cooperation, 1986. 11

[xiii] Philosophy of American history. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1978. 28.

[xiv] Volume the term of Anibal Quijano. See "coloniality of power, culture and knowledge in Latin America." Think in the interstices. Theory and practice of postcolonial criticism. Santiago Castro Gómez, Oscar Guardiola Rivera and Carmen Millán de Benavides, eds. Bogotá: Instituto Pensar, 1999.

[xv] In Mexico, between books. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica / El Colegio Nacional, 1995. 91.

[xvi] See Anne T. Doremus. Culture, Politics and National Identity in Mexican Literature and Film. 1929-1952. New York: Peter Lang, 2000.

[xvii] Mexico: Universidad Autonoma de Mexico, 1972. 44.

[xviii] America as consciousness 128.

[xix] "Leopoldo Zea's Project of a Philosophy of Latin American History. " Latin American Identities and Constructions of Difference. Ed Amaryll Chanady. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. 30. The translation is mine.

[xx] Speech from the marginalization and barbarism . Barcelona: Anthropos, 1988. 267.

[xxi] Although this topic would cover a trial in itself and obvious reasons of space I can not explore this assertion, seems appropriate to clarify that peace does not exist as consistently claims about the "lack of criticism." In fact, to ask that question, Paz contends that the poetry and fiction has always been critical in the field of literary criticism, although there has been, in his opinion, the major movements of the Europeans, if they been critical figures of great importance. See. "Literature and critical" Works 3. Foundation and dissent. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica / Ballantine Books, 1994. 58-68. This security does not exist Reyes or Zea, who, as we are still immersed in the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a Latin American thought. Moreover, one can say that both stages are not consecutive, but simultaneous, which explains why peace can be so confident on the subject in a contemporary text that is strictly the work of Leopoldo Zea questioning. The project of thinking and affirmation of its existence, then, are not clear periods but modes of articulation of critical discourse.

[xxii] Octavio Paz: A Meditation. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001. 29. My translation.

[xxiii] 3 Works . 44.

[xxiv] That is, those that assign to history a goal. See his speech accepting the Nobel Prize, "The pursuit of this" in Complete Works 3 31-41.

[xxv] The Philanthropic Ogre . Mexico: Joaquin Mortiz, 1979.

[xxvi] This can be seen clearly in the text "Poetry, society, state." See Works 1. The house of presence. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica / Ballantine Books, 1994.

[xxvii] Works 1 . 335

[xxviii] Works 1. 335.

[xxix] 1 Works . 358.

[xxx] Works 1. 41.

[xxxi] Author, authority and authorization. Writing and poetry of Octavio Paz. Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1999. 61.

[xxxii] Mexico: Era, 1991.

[xxxiii] The divine couple 17.

[xxxiv] The divine couple 54.

[xxxv] reflections For Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit see. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2002. 117 et seq.

[xxxvi] The divine couple 54.

[xxxvii] Barcelona: Anagram, 2000.

[xxxviii] Aires family 11 -

[xxxix] Mexico: Era, 1996.

[xl] Valencia: Pre-Textos, 1999.

[xli] Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1987.

[xlii] Mexico: Grijalbo, 1990.

[xliii] Aires family 155-180.

[xliv] The central thesis of much of the work of Néstor García Canclini.

Objawienia Sw Teresy Z Avilla

nonexistent Criticism

Here is the presentation I made in Monterrey, in the National Young Writers, the panel shared with Heriberto Yepez, Jezreel Salazar, Noah and Eduardo Morales Huchin. Thank Zaira Espinosa, Ivan Trejo, Renata Rodriguez and all the organizers and the work platform. And all the other guests for a conference level and new friendships. This version contains two pages that I had to cut for lack of time, focusing on a modest proposal about the critic and newspaper.

The lack of criticism in Mexico is one of those ideologies that every generation revisits literary and refuses to disappear. The very premise of this panel is based on it, the idea that, despite sitting on the table five critical works published and recognized in various fields (journalism, essays, academia, etc.), We are called to discuss the lack of practice, presumably, we have all worked with enough power to be invited to talk about it. Criticism is nonexistent, in my opinion, a symptom of the peculiar institutionalization Mexican literature. On the one hand, this idea is usually stated at a time when fighting for a literary group constitute itself as hegemonic. We must remember that Contemporaries complained of the lack of criticism in Mexico, as did Octavio Paz and company they founded Plural and Vuelta or Hector Aguilar Camin and company when they established the group Nexus. Furthermore, the complaint of criticism does not exist or does not work often come from authors who are not subject to it, a recurring theme of those who did not receive any scholarship or, worse still, young writers who claim to be " supported "as if literary criticism was an advantageous form of child care aimed Montessori holding the creativity of the author beardless. Also, not without some degree of paradox, the criticism is perceived as non-existent because certain forms of institutionalization produce bad review: the comfort academic ideas for manufacturing endless repetition, the grid intellectuals who converted to criticism in ad hominem attacks . Finally, the criticism is perceived to exist because it is often masked by the essay, where style matters more than the idea, or the review, merely cyclical review of new publications. If anything, the review and testing are two smaller practices, and perhaps of little relevance in a trade that should be thought more broadly.

All these ways of understanding the criticism should be resisted and rejected, because the echo them destroy a way of thinking and knowledge more necessary than ever in these times of defeat and barbarism. Saying that there is no criticism or criticism in Mexico is bad because it produced a majority of bad books is stupid, because the same could be said of the Slovak minifiction Australian or experimental poetry. Any literary or critical exception rests on a mountain of mediocrity. However, the comparison itself is incorrect. I venture the idea that literary criticism is not primarily a literary genre, but an apparatus of producing knowledge about and from the literature. To understand in this way, it opens a very different understanding of what is critical. First, the criticism takes place in a large series of spaces and places of enunciation, which include book and magazine, but also the classroom, reading group, social networks and cafes. Literary criticism is realized when a teacher designs a literature course, when a student reacts against criticism by his teacher, when a reading circle meets every week to discuss a book and when a friend recommended a book to another. Certainly, there are layers professionalized this year, but the criticism is not confined to them. On the other hand, if the critical production of knowledge is essentially an exercise group. Literary criticism makes sense only as a constant conversation, directly or indirectly. This dimension is destroyed when we understand the literary criticism as a literary genre, favoring the view of individuality and critical as last place of articulation. The criticism emerges above all against the host of readings, talking to other forms of criticism. In its public statements, this is represented in the literature and notes, but in any event serious criticism is implicit dialogue. One critic, in my view, is primarily a speaker and a self-taught, and their work has meaning only as part of a constellation of readings and discussions of what is a simple component. Finally, if the criticism is knowledge, it implies that there is a dimension approaching the world only through such knowledge and, at dusk this function on behalf of a narrow and ridiculous concept of critique, functionalized to daily environment literature, we are betraying the ethical responsibility of the literary critic.

If one speaks of a lacking critical because Mexico is very poorly understood the idea of \u200b\u200bcriticism as knowledge, although it certainly occurs. To go no further than this table, I admire the work of Heriberto Yepez ( Everything is another , The rule of neomemoria ) are betting erect literary reading at a level of knowledge than the simple exegesis . I admired Alfonso Reyes put it best: there are printing and interpretation, but the trial, in a way that crosses the classical Kantian with romantic idealism, is the goal to follow. However, publicly visible manifestations of literary criticism are completely taken by the vicissitudes and superficialities of national literary grid. The reviewer is peculiarly ill-fated Mexican in this sense, as the books reviewed are generally chosen not by merit but by the emotional relationship of the publishers to authors, while the vast majority of Mexican publications understand the review section or as a blank space in which first-time writers make merit, or as reliable chambitas allow several live from the accumulation of receipts from fees. While this is what we identify as critical, is impossible to maintain a minimally adult conversation on the topic we could spend the day Whole complaining of "censorship" (which generally means no published review or not the complainant) or the "reactionary" is a magazine (which generally means that the pristine political and cultural ideology of the complainant is not reflected verbatim in publication).

One of the reasons for being critical of the myth of the absent third world lies in our desire to reject as hegemonic as successful and inclusive that we wanted to belong but can not. The truth is that in Mexico we have some publications that regardless of our agreement or disagreement with their editorial lines are first rate. When I was in some literary events in Quito, I would invariably say the desire of many people of that country to have style magazines Letras Libres or Links , which, despite their controversial and political lines all possible critical editorial practices are publications read, well-edited, well produced and sustainable, something that nowadays is almost a feat. Also, a large number of public universities publish journals of great bill. I can proudly say that either Harvard or Stanford, or Princeton produced literary magazines bill Review, the journal of the BUAP or Luvina , the U. G. If one takes the trouble to buy and read these magazines, together with several others ( Arms and Letters, Words and man, magazine University, Storm, Replicante ) along with emerging online magazines such as Super Pig Brother , the only possible conclusion is that there is not only literary criticism in Mexico, but, at times, is exceptional. Seen from this perspective, as it did recently in a text Evodio Escalante in which he defended criticism citing the large number of critical assets in our day, critique nonexistent not a description of a state of things. Rather, it points to the tremendous ignorance that the Mexican literary world has the best of himself and the way our peculiar cultural institutionalization tends to confuse the grid with the theory. If you understand the criticism in its entirety, the very low intellectual level of controversy in Mexico would meet its political functions and the crowd of writers cazabecas that populate our literary landscape would be devoted to thinking.

The first step to overcome this impasse, I believe, is to show both in theory and the idea works of literary criticism as production of knowledge, rescuing her from the clutches of the vagaries of short-term (or when emergencies such as Alfonso Reyes called) and return them to a place where readers can find it. I think that criticism can give readers of literature, from specialists to the casual space for discussion and thought essential to a truly democratic society, one in which the exercise of culture is not only a right but also a everyday act. In a text published a couple of years ago (I apologize for the self-citation, but as I run out of time and I can not develop the point with the extension, may find it in my blog) suggested that literary criticism has three definitions. The first review of the literature, excessive emphasis on exegetical work, while the second, critical literature written and stylistically, it emphasizes some of the vices that I have discussed so far. The third meaning seems the most productive and promising: the critical use of literature as an instrument of approach to the world. This is the criticism that gave us Walter Benjamin when he read of modernity from the work of Baudelaire or the Peruvian Antonio Cornejo Polar, sadly ignored in Mexico, when he produced from his reading of José María Arguedas an anthropology of the American condition, or the great Edward Said, whose untranslatable notion of worldliness (Worldliness) speaks of the intellectual power of the relationship between words and world. This criticism is rare in Mexico largely because of the high degree of self-referentiality that consumes the cultural world. While critics such as Said defined the third way of the Palestinian conflict, or critical, as Beatriz Sarlo has emerged as privileged readers of the reality of Argentina from the language of the bill, in Mexico is called critical to any moron who wrote the latest book review Anagrama. Literary criticism as knowing is half antinomian to accommodating as Mexico, where the use value of literature takes a back seat to its value as a commodity to exchange traffic scholarships awards, influences and Chamba. I appreciate, of course, the value of making a living from literature: after all I myself am a professor of literature. However, the use of these material conditions on behalf of the production of critical knowledge is an ethic that needs further assertion: there is the possibility of a significant literary criticism, which, following the seductive Marxist cliché, not only analyze the world but transforms them. So despite what I've said so far, it bothers me conclude with the emphasis on the negative half-Mexican. It makes no sense to tear down an institutional apparatus of such proportions if you can use.

certainly talk

of ideals is easy, but concrete proposals are sometimes rare. Therefore, I propose to help restore critical to their status in Mexico are: the disappearance of the cultural supplement. This type of publication, despite powerful interventions such as Roger Bartra or John Villoro in the Day, is primarily a symptom of a complacent literature, able to speak of itself to irrelevance. Even we have two seemingly opposite aspects: In its provincial demonstration, we can find the newest of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec poets or plays Toluca of births in the nineties, while in its manifestation pseudocosmopolita, a luminary of the national average usually presents his impressions of the last boring Austro-Hungarian writer who read German Bohemia. Thus, the literary supplement is a tacit admission of the irrelevance of literature, a ghettoization autoasumida understanding literature as separate from the rest. While the Anglo-Saxon model of Book Review, where books are discussed a wide range of topics, framing literature in a constellation of intellectual practices, would be a good alternative, I might have to go further, take the newspaper itself. What if a literary critic on the staff of a national or regional newspaper wrote about the issue of narconarrativa in the Police Department as a modernist would have done serious, or if the columns of political opinion the perspective proposed in literature was a more than you have?. In a country where it is read the newspaper, where news of radio and television and even the alternative media continue to play a crucial role in public life, the literary critic might have to search for your area of \u200b\u200bknowledge in this space speech. This I knew the old liberals of the right as Lionel Trilling and the leftist of the old guard. If literary criticism is to be a literary reading of the world, it should not remain suspended which monad in the contemplation of aesthetics, but taking its place in the public domain. The tools are there: the great democratic potential of media arts and electronic books will make it unusual to have a place in public life, a place we do not know understand or articulate. In that possible world, literary criticism is necessary, not as an esoteric discourse culturatis, but as an instrument of combat and understanding of life itself. I am perhaps a utopian pessimistic. However, from the perspective that grants have a foot in Mexican literature and another in the American academy, it became clear that the bureaucrats cleared funds available for culture in Mexico and technocrats who attack the humanities from a new American university utilitarianism have something in common: their declaration of the irrelevance of literature is part of the annihilation of critical thinking that could undermine their positions power. I do not know whether the literature has the potential to change the world, to speak to power or to challenge it, but I choose to think so, even in the tone of the old slogan of the French 68: let's be realistic, demand the impossible. What I do is clear is that while literature is assaulted every day by the power and while his name continues to be invoked to construct mafias and interests, we have a clear indicator that depressing but at its core is a force corresponding to recognize and recover critical. In one of his thesis on the history, Benjamin notes: "Turn in the past spark of hope is a gift that is only found in that story that is imbued with this: the dead are not safe from the enemy if he wins . And this enemy has not ceased to be victorious ". Something similar could be said of the critic: the critic can only find in the literature that knowledge potential to help us make sense of such knowledge can rescue world. Talk about a nonexistent critic instead of fighting for existence criticism, sink into the mediocrity of cultural scene while maintaining fidelity to the thought is a way to strengthen the enemy. And this enemy, as it has constantly taught the erosion of culture and country, the daily violence and oppressive ignorance, has not ceased to be victorious.

Lupus More Condition_symptoms>lupus[/url]

SANTISTA

The Kolektiva SUR, present at the battle of the people, welcomes Juna Manuel Santos as it deserves, with combat and resistance until the end of injustice

Welcome

Juan Manuel!

"The people who constitute the majority, is entitled to power. You need to ask the oligarchy as going to deliver, if you do it peacefully, we will also take in a peaceful manner, but if it will not deliver or intend to do violent, we'll take it violently "

Camilo Torres Restrepo

... Y have not willingly given, have taken over the areas of political, economic, military and communications. It has forged an alliance of state corruption and drug trafficking, which ended up fathering a bastard child: the paramilitaries, which suppresses the labor movement and student, and displaces indigenous and peasants to carry out an accumulation by dispossession.

A paramilitary darkness most neoliberal phase of capitalism and its political combination immoral "every who can. " Under neoliberal techniques not only by exploiting workers in the countryside and the city, but through multiple communication strategies and enforcement create a distortion of the values \u200b\u200bof Colombia: the feeling of independence, solidarity, honesty, social sensitivity and pride in the popular traditions, have attacked our "purity in flip flops." Have made our sovereignty an outrageous act of total devotion to his interests in the north.

Not surprisingly, the continuity of the dyes advocated neoliberal authoritarian politics. CIRCO ELECTORAL the past months, it was only ratifying what at the time denounced: a democratic electoral farce that deceives more to defend the interests of the minority. Different names and a single criminal system that only seeks self-re-election as it has for over 180 years.

"democratic security"

Those families in power in the last century were aligned under the doctrine of "national security", were renewed by the action of narco-Texas shadowing Uribe Balas and its policy of democratic security. Policy set as a target for their criminal actions to tod @ s @ s that are not resigned to hunger and exclusion.

This criminal policy has been orchestrated from the centers of national power and American-funded resources of the imperialist war economy of the United States, and the share owners of the large Colombian capital (from corruption and drug cartels, to emerald and oil palm). This nefarious scheme led to a huge reduction of the budget for education and health, thereby commodifying and subtracting both quality.

Policy that under the veil of "investor confidence" brings the reality of exploitation of our natural resources the voracious transnational capital, supported also by the narco-paramilitary action. Policy did not hesitate to remove young people from urban and rural areas of everyday life for murder of the most infamous and pass them off as guerrillas killed in combat, regardless of the suffering of their mothers and their children s. Unfortunately the possession of a deafening and blinding communicational power has shifted these realities of thought much of the Colombian population.

And will this conspiracy of warmongering and cheating communication, in a short time not only directly responsible for this criminal policy, but the isolation of our sister nations of Latin America, Juan Manuel Santos, was elected as successor to Uribe Balas released from his position of dictator, was well organized for the party attended by the families in power, party with delicacies of rural lands and Indian blood cocktails.

We tell them than us we will not stop @ s still goes, we @ s also attended a party but is a popular festival of fire and the word, we will see the revolution, because after all, the revolution is a party ...

"national unity"

... and how fast we move from State to the National Review, in short, different names to legitimize exclusion ...

This new demagoguery that have attracted national "unity" does not express rather than unity of all factions of the ruling class. This is evidenced by the formation of the cabinet that combines the traditional bipartisan heirs of the new neoliberal technocracy. The legislative branch has been taken by the Uribe in a new alliance to ratify the liberal-conservative bipartisanship (disguised as "radical" and "U") and the regional influence of drug traffickers and paramilitaries (example is the conspiracy for political purposes called PIN).

national unity But this goes beyond the unification of bourgeois front, this discourse seeks to co-opt the social movement to incorporate the establishment or delete the style of any authoritarian regime. And as the front-nationalism of the last century is renewed with the lie of "national unity", we know that the repression was renewed and deepened. But we will be there to resist and to propose to our souls and our steps clandestine insurgent.

"There is no better means of achieving freedom, to fight for it"

Simón Bolívar

GOVERNMENT BE

And so as a Fayad days we outlined the proposal to be government, today I say to everyone s that we return to create from day to day of direct action to generate spaces for the promotion of indigenous socialism based on our own local historical experiences and a radical democracy that serves and in the hands of tod @ s, no action taken only through illegal activity but in classrooms and neighborhoods, direct action that leads to the proposal that a better world is possible and which contribute to the subversion of the everyday and creating contarcultura and counter from the poem to the crowd.

For this and knowing that the arrival of Santos is just blatant continuity of a criminal regime that has settled over our country in recent centuries, we repeat as we have always done that before you women and indigenous operators, before you murderers of workers and peasants, before you oppressors of students, we declare unruly and tell them that our libertarian principles are stronger than their bullets criminals.

Today we declare once more against a genocidal dictatorship disguised as democracy, and not afraid because our rebellion is powered by the struggle and the dignity of nustra @ s @ s death, that dyad will not allow death-death-repression market and continue playing attacking more in the interests of a few.

We got up again as we have done previously against this shameful system, even more, pick up our pencils, Our hammers, our machetes and our signal reconstruction Moloch in a chain of affection which is our own as Colombian and Latin American brothers.

Facing the dark night of repression that approaches often tell them that the only democratic security in which we believe is the hood and give us the underground and the only unit acceptable national is being forged every day with our comrades s @ s of all the colors of the resistance.

"We urge the fight, we desire to fight because the people have the urge and desire to win and welfare. Now condemn us win tomorrow. Because finally, the M-19 is the promise to be fulfilled "

CdTe. Alvaro Fayad Delgado

survives in the crowd of A LIFE OF DIGNITY AND DEFAULT

Bogotá, free territory of America

Year 518 of the resistance

SOUTH Kolektiva

Resistance is Existence